Gender & Poverty, Women Land & Labour - Sadaf Lakhani

Background

In the early fifties almost half of India's population were living below the poverty line. In 1997, the percentage of the population living on less that $1/ per day was 44.2%, and the figure stood at 36 % in 1999. Not reflected in this falling poverty rate are vast disparities between the 25 states. With a per capita GNP of US$440 India has the highest concentration of poverty in the world, accounting for 40 percent of the world's poor. The 'feminisation of poverty' has been well documented in recent years, demonstrating that poverty has differential gender impacts; that men and women experience poverty differently. Although official studies argue that the number of people living below the poverty line has reduced, absolute numbers, indicate a rise of 35% to 39% from 1990-1994, although this percentage had fallen by 1999. New methods of examining poverty argue that it should be defined and approached from the perspectives of the poor themselves. This method, used in a recent study in India, indicates rising poverty levels amongst women, especially in rural areas.

The burdens of poverty are believed to effect women more profoundly than men. Recent studies have highlighted the need to examine poverty at the intra-household level, rather than just the household level. There is evidence that women suffer from biases in intra-household resource allocation. Women's experience of poverty can be further exacerbated if the household in which they live is female-headed. Studies suggest that between 30-35% of households in India are female-headed, and in situations of resource scarcity or economic hardship, women in female headed households are more likely to suffer as economic support from family members is usually less than that of a male-headed households.

Women & Labour

Labour participation rates for both men and women have been relatively stable since the 1970s, indicating that population growth is matched by growth in employment. However sector-based and gender variation are apparent with disaggregated data. Agriculture is the largest sector in the Indian economy, employing the majority of the workforce, especially in rural areas. A high percentage of the rural agrarian workforce are female, with more than half from Dalit and tribal communities. Most of these women are merely landless labourers. Although amongst males, there has been a shift from farm to non-farm employment in the agricultural sector, this has not been the case for females who have less mobility within the labour market, even at this level. Rural women are therefore those most affected by wage differentials between farm and non-farm employment and by the stagnation in the agricultural sector - both in terms of wages and employment growth rates.

Formal sector employment accounts for only 4% of the female labour force, compared with 10% for men. Furthermore, nearly two-thirds of women in the formal sectors are employed in the public sector, making them more vulnerable to cut-backs in government expenditure. These have been a major part of structural adjustment policies. However, growth rates in the formal sector, are higher for women (3.6%) than for men (2.5%). Manufacturing is the fastest growing sector in the economy, however the manufacture of household goods, which has traditionally favoured female employees has seen a slow-down in employment growth rates of -11%. from 1981- 1991. Much of the effects of the declining rates of female employment in certain sectors of the economy is being absorbed by growth in the informal sector, another traditional female sector of the economy. This shift indicates low female labour mobility in other sectors and the increased informalisation and marginalisation of women's employment.

Domestic labour, although not income-earning and not included in labour-force participation rates, is nevertheless an important element in Indian women's lives, and opportunities cost of un-done domestic labour make it an important contribution to the economy. Also, although women often manage their household budgets, they do not often have decision-making power regarding finances. The recognition of women's contribution to the economy through both their productive and reproductive work was suggested by the Planning Committee in 1939-40, which proposed that domestic workers be given rights and privileges enjoyed by other workers, such as social security privileges. The legal and cultural recognition of domestic labour continues to be an important issue, as the leading Hindu party encourage women to leave their jobs and return to the home and as economic reforms lead to the increased demand on the labour-power of women.

Work, remuneration and land

Although employment rates for women have been growing faster than that for men, this is within a labour market where discrimination against women still exists at all levels. Gender comparative labour force participation rates are argued to be an important indicator of women's empowerment, access to resources and therefore should be a focus of policy seeking to address gender inequality. Higher labour force participation rates for women have been found to be related to higher levels of nutrition for children, and lower mortality rates for both females adults and children.

8 Labour force participation rates are lower for women than for men, with the difference highest in urban areas. In Mumbai, for example, the LFPR was only 10.7% for women, compared to 53.7% of men. Access to employment is also effected by caste, class and religious differences that intersect with gender. Other social issues such as marital status also intersect with gender issues; widows in particular face added discrimination in the labour market. The difference in male and female LFPRs are much higher than average for Muslims and for upper-caste Hindus. Dalit females are those least likely to be involved in domestic labour alone- they have the highest labour force participation rates. Their work is concentrated in casual employment, highlighting the need for interventions to take into account not just the rates of labour force participation, but the particular characteristics of employment.

Beyond labour force participation rates, other biases also exist in the labour market, such as wage differentials. Wage differentials have been found to exist in both the informal economy and the formal sector. The informal economy is where most women are employed, and there is evidence that they are paid lower wages than men, in particular in the agricultural labour sector and the urban informal sector where little legislation exists to prevent discrimination. The agricultural sector especially has suffered from falling wages for females due to the impacts of economic reform. In the formal sector, although pure wage differentials have not been found to exist, differential levels of education and therefore skills do result in women being concentrated in lower-paying jobs.

Although 20% of rural households are female headed, few women own titles to land, and even fewer exercise any control over it. Also, as noted above, most Dalit agricultural labourers are landless. Given that most women do not have much labour mobility and cannot seek alternative employment during times of contraction of the agricultural sector, access to and control over land is an important asset. In recent years, the Indian Government has weakened the ongoing land reforms that could help to address problems of poverty and exploitation linked to landlessness.

A new Bill proposed in late 2000 by The Law Commission has suggested important changes to the laws concerning inheritance. In a report by The Commission, it noted that it was inclined to recommend total abolition of the Hindu joint family, in order to counter the current situation, where women do not have any land rights by birth. However, the Commission only recommended that daughters be first made coparceners by birth. Another provision of the Bill says the share of a dead son or daughter shall automatically be allotted to the surviving child. The Bill also says that any property which a female Hindu becomes entitled to by virtue of inheritance will be regarded as property she can dispose of. The changes will have far-reaching social and legal implications for Hindu society. Currently, women can claim an equal share only in their parents' self-acquired property and demand dwelling rights in their parental house in the event of their divorce, widowhood or desertion by their husband. While an equal share in their ancestral movable and immovable property, including the family business, would result in their economic empowerment, the development could also lead to increased family conflicts, especially where established family businesses are concerned. Equally importantly, the Bill will add to the ongoing erosion of the Hindu joint family, and of the eldest male as its head. Under the new provision, the `karta', or the eldest male member, will no longer be empowered to take all the decisions concerning family business or property since the sons and daughters will hold an equal share and anyone can ask for a partition. Under the proposed amendment, if the eldest child happens to be a daughter, she will be entitled to act as a `karta' of her parental family and discharge the `pious obligations', including finding spouses for the unmarried children, handling of the parents' debt and so on, hitherto the prerogative of only the eldest male member. The changes could have a beneficial impact in discouraging the practice of dowry while bringing about equality before law. As the woman would be the equal inheritor of her ancestral property, the in-laws may not insist on dowry. The change will affect only the `Mitakshara' of the joint Hindu family that is prevalent mostly in the north Indian states and Bihar. The other system prevalent in eastern India the Dyalbhaga system already provides for an equal share for daughters in ancestral property, the benefits of which for women is illustrated by the lower incidence of dowry in East India. However the amendment may also work to acerbate existing dowry problems, as the husband, in-laws or even grown up children may try to coerce the wife to demand a share in her parents' self-acquired property on one pretext or the other, instead or in addition to the usual requests for gifts. Bibliogrphy:

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